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Of Public Interest
Volume 3, Number 1
February, 2001
Darkness in California: The Regulatory Sabotage of
Deregulation
by Richard E. Wagner
In 1998, California took one small step toward the deregulation of electric
power, by removing some restrictions on wholesale prices in the southernmost
part of the state. The result appears to be little more than a continually
growing disaster. We hear increasingly of brownouts and even rolling blackouts.
It is easy enough to see the miseries that these can cause. Traffic signals stop
working and busy intersections become snarled. Elevators stop between floors,
with their passengers stranded until the power returns.
Something is terribly wrong with this picture. About half the states in the
nation are in various stages of deregulating electric power. It is important to
learn what California’s experience has to teach us. In a 10 December 2000
article titled "California Screaming," the New York Times
attributed California’s electric miseries to deregulation, and claimed that
our needs for dependable power are too important to be left to the impersonal
forces of market competition.
Is it really plausible to claim that California’s experience teaches us
that deregulation is a bad thing? One problem with this claim is that
deregulation has worked exceedingly well in such areas as interstate trucking,
air transportation, and long-distance telephony. Furthermore, there is ample
evidence and strong logic in favor of the proposition that for the most part an
economic system based on freely competitive markets is better for consumers than
a highly regulated or state-controlled economy. One needs only to point to the
collapse of communism. If open competition is superior to intense regulation, it
would seem but simple common sense to assert that some deregulation is better
than none, even if this may in turn be inferior to full deregulation.
This simple intuition, however, lacks general validity. Economists have
developed a whole theory to explain this lack of general validity. They call it
the "theory of second best." Removing one or two elements of
regulation in a highly regulated market may worsen matters, even if a
thoroughgoing deregulation improves them. This outcome is possible because the
different parts of a market are connected with one another. The few deregulated
parts may clash with the many parts that remain regulated. The result of this
clash may be chaotic conditions throughout the market.
For deregulation to succeed, it must be embraced whole-heartedly and not
half-heartedly. The relevance of the theory of second best is quite evident in
the sad tale coming out of California. With true deregulation, the growing
demand for electricity would have led readily to an expansion of power supplied
in California, both through the expansion of generating capacity within
California and through the increased purchase of power generated outside
California. The division between these two sources of increased power would be
governed by their relative costs of production. With continuing technological
improvement, moreover, we would expect real power prices to fall. More and
cheaper power would have resulted from true deregulation. There would have been
absolutely no reason for traffic to be snarled at blacked-out intersections or
for people to be stuck in elevators.
California did not deregulate electric power. It deregulated a little piece
of it, while retaining regulation over most of it. California still controls
most electric prices. A few wholesale prices were deregulated, but controls were
maintained over retail prices. This creates a strange commercial situation: a
firm can pay more to get power as a means of preventing brownouts, but it cannot
charge a higher price for that more costly power. With regulations like this, it
is no wonder that power companies are facing bankruptcy.
California also regulates the construction of new generating capacity, in
sharp contrast to the situation in long-distance telephony. Over the past ten
years population has roughly doubled in California while generating capacity has
remained roughly unchanged. This outcome is reminiscent of the now defunct Civil
Aeronautics Board, which never allowed a single new airline to enter the
interstate passenger business between the time of its creation in 1938 and its
demise in 1979.
While many applications for permits to build power plants have been filed in
California, approvals have come slowly and reluctantly. Only plants fired by
natural gas are even considered for approval. This form of electricity is more
expensive than other forms. For people rationally to invest in such power
plants, they need assurance that they will not face competition down the road
from nuclear and coal-fired power plants. Such assurances cannot truly be given,
of course, because political turnover can alter the future regulatory climate.
Thus, capacity is slow to expand because regulation creates great commercial
uncertainty.
If the experience in California teaches anything, it teaches us not about the
evils of deregulation. Rather it teaches us about the evils of pursuing a good
idea only partially and half-heartedly.
Richard E. Wagner is Senior Fellow at the Public Interest Institute and
Holbert Harris Professor of Economics at George Mason University.
Permission to
reprint or copy in whole or part is granted, provided a version of this
credit line is used: "Reprinted by permission from OF PUBLIC
INTEREST, a publication of Public Interest Institute."
The views expressed in this publication
are those of the author and not necessarily those of Public Interest Institute. They are brought to you in the interest of a
better-informed citizenry.
A Publication of:
Public Interest Institute at Iowa Wesleyan College
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Mt. Pleasant, Iowa 52641-1328
Phone: 319-385-3462 Fax: 319-385-3799
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