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Of Public Interest
Volume 3, Number 16
October 2001
Airline Bailout’s Testimony to the Failures of Government
Richard E. Wagner
In many respects we are a long way removed from the time when Calvin Coolidge
could assert that the business of America is business. It would seem that a
significant line of activity for American government any more is to bail out
failed commercial adventures. In 1971 Lockheed Aircraft received $250 million
from Congress, while in 1978 Chrysler received $1.5 billion. The price tag on
the savings and loan bailout that began in 1989 is close to $500 billion.
We have become quite accustomed to bailouts and subsidies for commercial
adventures that work out badly for sponsors who are well connected politically.
Indeed, the very term bailout suggests a kind of rescue operation. Expensive
commercial decisions turn sour, threatening large number of jobs in the process.
Rather than put up with the economic disruption that would otherwise result,
government bails out the affected enterprises, keeping those jobs in place in
the process.
Now it seems to be commercial airlines that will be receiving a bailout. In
the wake of the terrorist attacks on 11 September, a $15 billion package of aid
to airlines quickly received official approval. About $5 billion of this package
is in immediate cash, with the rest being in such things as loan guarantees.
There will also be some federal support for victim claims.
While this program is universally described as one more bailout of private
enterprise, this does not seem to be an accurate description. The destructions
of lives and the resulting economic blow to commercial airlines points to
something else that gets covered over in the repeated references to airline
bailouts. That something is the culpability of the federal government in this
tragedy. Repeated references to airline bailouts casts a smokescreen over the
failure of the federal government to deliver on its most important service to
us: our security against violence, internal and external.
The first concern of government should be the preservation of good civil
order. This is what justice, police, and arms are all about. The very foreground
of political attention should be occupied by concerns of maintaining domestic
tranquility and promoting peaceful relations abroad. It is here where we need
good government performance to ensure, as well as is possible, that we can go
about our ordinary lives.
We don’t need government to get involved with the economic arrangements by
which we tend to our retirements, our medical care, and our education, to
mention but three instances where massive federal political energy is currently
directed. There are thousands of sources available for tending to our
retirement, our medical care, and our various educational requirements. If the
federal government disappeared from these areas of our lives, we wouldn’t miss
it a bit. There are just too many competitive options already available already,
even without taking into account all those that would come into play in the
absence of the federal government.
There is, however, no good alternative to the federal government in the
provision of good civil order when the threats to that order come through such
threats as terrorism. If the federal government doesn’t provide us with a
program to finance our retirement, we can pick from any one of thousands of
programs that free enterprise brings to us. If the government doesn’t provide us
security against terrorist acts, we don’t really have a good alternative, other
than to stay home and keep our powder dry.
We all know that attention is limited, and that someone who tries to be
involved in everything does nothing well. It is the same with organizations. We
saw an example of this on September 11, though this is far from the only
example. It stands to reason that a government that is preoccupied with the
minutiae of our retirement activities will have less attention to devote to the
threats to our security, such as that which surfaced on September 11. What has
gone forward does not seem to be so much a bailout of airlines from poor
commercial choices as it is an indemnification to cover over the political
failure to deliver the level of security that should reasonably have been
delivered, had only these issues of security had received full governmental
attention.
The noted Italian scholar Bruno Leoni, published a book titled Freedom and
the Law in 1961. There, Leoni noted that in classical Greece the sponsors of
legislation could be tried and held liable for the bad consequences of their
legislation. Indeed, Demosthenes, the orator who became famous for trying to
shout over the sea while holding pebbles in his mouth, was famous for this
trials of errant legislators. Classical Greece was long ago and far away, but
some of their practices are still worth thinking about.
Richard E. Wagner is Senior Fellow at the Public Interest Institute and
Holbert Harris Professor of Economics at George Mason University.
Permission to
reprint or copy in whole or part is granted, provided a version of this
credit line is used: "Reprinted by permission from OF PUBLIC
INTEREST, a publication of Public Interest Institute."
The views expressed in this publication
are those of the author and not necessarily those of Public Interest Institute. They are brought to you in the interest of a
better-informed citizenry.
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Public Interest Institute at Iowa Wesleyan College
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